Officer Eugene Goodman (1980-), law enforcement official. Eugene Goodman has lived an intensely private life, so information about him is relatively limited. He grew up in southeast Washington D.C. and served in the U.S. Army from 2002 to 2006. During the Iraq War he saw combat with the 101st Airborne Division, which helped train Iraqi security forces, attacked terrorist cells, captured a major airport, and fought in the Battle of Karbala. Goodman rose to the rank of sergeant and was awarded a combat infantryman badge. After leaving the military he joined the United States Capitol Police (USCP), which is charged with protecting members of Congress, their family members, and the U.S. Capitol Building and other congressional buildings. Washington D.C. and the city police department are both around 50% black, but African Americans comprise only 29% of the USCP. The relatively few black officers have often been denied promotions and forced to contend with acts of racism from fellow officers such as a hangman’s noose in a locker, racial slurs directed at themselves and Barack Obama, and seeing black people harassed outside the Capitol. Goodman himself told a colleague that he always felt “too Black for the badge, but too blue for the brothers.” This racism was part of D.C.’s broader historical legacy. Although the city was partly designed by the black scholar Benjamin Banneker, many of its buildings were constructed with slave labor, and slavery was legal there until 1862. In the late 1800s it became a majority black city, including one of the nation’s largest black middle-class populations, but these residents of “Chocolate City” lacked the autonomy and Congressional representation of states and the local power of cities that were in states. During the Depression, for instance, one congressman justified cuts in welfare and education by saying that “my constituents wouldn’t stand for spending money on niggers.” During the 1960s and 1970s D.C. residents won the ability to vote in presidential elections and to elect a House representative, mayor, and city council, but the House member cannot actually vote on legislation, and the local government lacks meaningful authority over federal property within the district. In spite of these two centuries of marginalization, the capital became a powerful symbol for black empowerment by hosting events such as Marian Anderson’s 1939 Lincoln Memorial concert, the 1963 March on Washington, the 1995 Million Man March, and Obama’s 2009 inauguration.
These historic conflicts and contradictions were amplified in November 2020 when Joe Biden defeated incumbent Donald Trump in the U.S. presidential election. Although Biden won the Electoral College 306-232 (the same margin by which Trump had won four years earlier) and the popular vote by more than seven million, Trump and his supporters claimed that the election had been stolen due to voter fraud in several swing states. This was part of a larger pattern for Trump, who had first risen to political prominence in 2010 by falsely claiming that Obama was ineligible to serve as president, then in 2015 said that a Republican rival was committing fraud, and in both 2016 and 2020 asserted that he could only lose if he was cheated. All of these claims were racially charged, with the 2020 accusations in particular based on the lie that fraudulent votes had come from Atlanta, Philadelphia, Milwaukee, and other cities with large black populations. This in turn was based on an even older tradition. Before the Civil War, white politicians denied voting rights to blacks on the grounds that they could be bought off, and although black men got the right to vote after the war and elected more than 1,000 African Americans to public office, white southerners used violence and fraud to take away that right on the grounds that black politics was corrupt. Trump and his allies used numerous tactics to promote their claims of fraud, including pressure on state election officials, statements on social media and television, and eighty-six lawsuits. He also considered seizing voting machines and declaring martial law in order to conduct a new election under military supervisions. Even Republican government officials refused to carry out these orders, and he lost all but one of his lawsuits, but many Republicans in Congress openly supported his efforts or refused to publicly criticize them. Finally, on 6 January 2021, Congress met to certify the Electoral College results from each state. Although this was normally a formality that got little attention, Trump and his allies believed that Vice President Mike Pence could reject the certification (he could not) or that members of Congress could object to the state results (they could), and so they saw this as their last chance to stave off defeat. Trump called on his supporters to come to the capitol in his defense, tweeting “Big protest in D.C. on January 6th. Be there, will be wild!” Thousands of people answered the outgoing president’s call, including members of extremist groups like the Proud Boys, Oath Keepers, and Q-Anon. Trump allies gave speeches with language like “trial by combat” and “start taking down names and kicking ass,” while Trump himself used the word “fight” or “fighting” twenty times, including the statement “And we fight. We fight like hell. And if you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.” He then told his supporters to march to the Capitol and demand that Pence refuse to certify the Electoral College results, telling the vice president “I hope you're going to stand up for the good of our Constitution and for the good of our country. And if you're not, I'm going to be very disappointed in you.” Hundreds of Trump supporters did in fact go to the Capitol. They constructed gallows, destroyed police and media equipment, fought with law enforcement officials, and broke through police barriers. About 800 of them invaded the Capitol, where they further clashed with USCP officers and spread throughout the building. When news came that Pence had refused to follow Trump’s command, the president tweeted that Pence “didn’t have the courage to do what should have been done,” and the rioters began chanting “Hang Mike Pence” while they looked for him and members of Congress.
One of the USCP officers who stood against these insurrectionists was Eugene Goodman. While other officers secured the Senate chamber, Goodman found himself alone as a crowd approached it. He briefly looked at the chamber, then pushed the lead person in the crowd away and quickly walked in the opposite direction. The crowd followed him up the stairs until they all reached a room with other officers, where the rioters called them “traitors” and yelled other taunts but did not physically attack. Several hours later, Goodman led Senator Mitt Romney (a Republican who had often drawn criticism from Trump and his supporters) and his staff to safety from another crowd. Thanks to Goodman and other USCP officers, the vice president, all members of Congress, and their staff and families were safely escorted from the Capitol; Pence in particular had avoided crossing path with the rioters by only sixty seconds. The insurrectionists stole congressional documents, defaced other equipment and decorations, and caused additional property damage. Several Confederate flags were hung, making this the first time that the Rebel flag had ever flown in the Capitol. Police officers were attacked with improvised weapons such as fire extinguishers, toxic sprays, and American and “Blue Lives Matter” flags. Pipe bombs were also found near the headquarters of both major parties. Throughout all of this, Trump watched on television while his aides in the White House and his allies in the Capitol begged him to record a message or send a tweet calling off the riot. Instead, he refused to do so, would not authorize additional law enforcement assistance, and was pleased by the support from the rioters, telling one Senator who called him “I guess these people are more upset about the election than you are.” He finally issued tweets and videos that called for peace but also praised the insurrectionists and insisted that the election was stolen. After several hours, the Capitol and outside grounds were finally cleared. Four rioters and one USCP officer were dead, two other officers committed suicide several days later, and 140 officers suffered injuries, including spinal damage and the loss of an eye and fingers.
Footage of Goodman’s actions near the Senate chambers immediately became some of the most widely viewed video from the insurrection. Although Goodman has not publicly commented on his actions, tactical experts noted that his act of shoving the lead person and then walking but not running ensured that the crowd would follow him but not trample him; he was simultaneously leading the rioters away from the Senate chambers, coordinating with his backup on the next floor, and exercising restraint to avoid injury to himself and the rioters. All of this, the experts further stated, was consistent with his military training, especially with regards to fighting terrorists. One colleague stated “I don’t know that many people who can think on their feet like that…His quick thinking enabled those senators to get to safety. I’ve always said, if bullets start ripping through, I’m finding Goodman. He’s been in hostile firefights, so he knows how to keep his head.” His former Army unit said more succinctly “An Iraq combat vet and member of this Corps, Eugene was a hero long before last Wednesday.” The director of the Black Law Enforcement Alliance expressed similar sentiments, declaring “He demonstrated rare courage and uncommon valor. His actions, in the face of a murderous mob, showed how a true professional police officer can operate clear minded in the midst of chaos and can show amazing restraint in the face of physical danger if you operate with a focus on the preservation of human life.” Other commentators believe that Goodman’s own racial identity further informed his decision, arguing that he knew that the crowd would be so triggered by the sight of a black man in uniform that it would follow him rather than hunting down politicians. In the words of one reporter, “He tricked them, willingly becoming the rabbit to their wolf pack, pulling them away from the chambers where armed officers were waiting, avoiding tragedy and saving lives. Lives which include their own...We saw the worst of our nature on display Wednesday. Many people immediately stood up and said, ‘This is not who we are!’ History tells us, this is exactly who we are. Running from this fact won’t change it. But at the same time, we’re also Eugene Goodman. A people who will put themselves in harm's way to protect others. Even those that wouldn’t do the same for us. It’s a constant fight for the soul of this nation.”
One week later, Congress voted unanimously to award Goodman the Congressional Gold Medal, which is the highest honor that it can bestow. One Representative stated that “If not for the quick, decisive, and heroic actions from Officer Goodman, the tragedy of last week's insurrection could have multiplied in magnitude to levels never before seen in American history. With this prestigious award, we can show our gratitude to Officer Goodman for saving countless lives and defending our democracy.” He received a standing ovation joined even by Republican lawmakers who had encouraged the insurrection. He was also given the Presidential Medal of Freedom, which is the nation’s highest civilian award, and the Distinguished Public Service Award, which is given to those who contribute to the Army’s missions, by the Army’s secretary and chief of staff. Some historians noted that Goodman was following in the tradition of security guard Frank Wills (who stopped the 1972 Watergate break-in) and of James Benjamin Parker (who in 1901 tried to stop the assassination of President William McKinley) and insisted that he not suffer the same fate of those black men, both of whom eventually died forgotten and impoverished. The House also voted to impeach Trump for “incitement of insurrection.” This was the fourth impeachment in U.S. history and also the most bipartisan of the four, with ten Republicans joining their Democratic colleagues. Before Trump’s Senate trial began, Goodman was tasked with escorting new Vice President Kamala Harris to the inauguration under the title of acting deputy Sergeant at Arms of the Senate. When he stepped onto the inauguration platform, he received another standing ovation. Footage of his rescue of Romney was publicly seen during the trial, further increasing appreciation for his actions. In the time since the insurrection, inauguration, and trial, more than 500 people have been arrested for their actions, including many members of local law enforcement units. Congress formed a bipartisan commission, similar to the one created after 9/11, to investigate the insurrection. Members of the general public and even some elected officials have falsely claimed that the rioters posed no danger or were liberal activists disguised as Trump supporters. The former president himself has been banned from social media but still maintains a great deal of influence amongst Republican voters and politicians. Throughout all of this, Eugene Goodman has made no public statements and largely disappeared from the news. A friend indirectly shared his thoughts with the media: “He said he’d do the same thing again. He’s not looking for any accolades. But the attention is a little scary for him…My job is to protect and serve. And on that day, I was protecting.”
©David Brodnax, Sr.
